A Whitney Biennial that gives artists more personal space

The 2012 Whitney Biennial is roundly praised in the media as it presents a very different and often difficult exhibition.

New York’s Whitney Biennial is probably the most anticipated and prominent survey of contemporary American art in the country. It is also often the most harshly critiqued, since expectations for it are so high, but this year’s show was almost universally praised in the press. It is disturbing to see such a prominent exhibition that has received such praise, and feel no attraction or empathy from almost any of the work on display. Coupled with an actual respect for the work of the artists, as well as for the curators, both in intention and execution, and you have a truly alienating schism. How you can fail to really like even one work without disliking a single one? Of course personal taste is a dumb way to engage with artwork, especially as a critic, but it is also the unavoidable underpinning of every show you critique. There must be some level of intercommunication to feel either enthusiastically supportive or disdainful of a show. But to feel nothing, except the plain physical presence of so much earnestly hand-wrought work, causes an intellectual white noise to set in.

Over the past several iterations, the Biennial had grown to incorporate additional venues throughout the city. The scale this year is refreshingly compact – about 50 artists occupy only three floors of the main museum building, with almost one entire floor given over to a stark and stunning performance space hosting a revolving program. This gives viewers good reason to return, as well as practically ensuring that no one can see the entire show, despite its greatly reduced scope.

To generalize about the nature of the work on display would be to say that it is very physical in that most pieces are so obviously hand made, without a focus on high craft. There’s nothing slick or high tech, almost no photography, and few monumental pieces. The works included share a commonplace presence and often cite inscrutable, obscure or personal references, as if they were made for the artist alone, without a pressing need to communicate.

It could be argued that this is thrust of the show, and an accurate measure of the cultural current – everywhere we look we find people not trying to reach anyone else but themselves. This is not communication, it is the satisfying indulgence of making, a focus not about but rather manifesting incomprehension and alienation. As well, the works selected lack in cynicism, as well as overt market value – they are truly artworks, rather than products.

One of the most vital contributions is Andrea Fraser’s critical text, “There’s No Place Like Home,” which she includes as her artwork. It is displayed in the gallery, published in the exhibition catalogue, and downloadable from the website, so it has more potential to reach further audiences than any material work. She dissects the gap between what artists, curators and critics say that art does in the world, and the financial life that artworks lead as potentially enormously valuable commodities. It too is driven by her personal engagement with the narrative. She details how she increasingly distances herself from the artworld because of exactly this chasm of difference between the politics and ideas of art makers and those of art merchants and collectors. She calls for a change in the conversation about art, not in what artists make, but in what they say about what they are making – acknowledging the atmosphere of conflict and contradiction they find themselves in, especially as they achieve greater success and begin to feel the pressure of pleasing the political powers that start to exert influence over their expression.

The very heart of the show seems to lie at the feet of Forrest Bess, protagonist of an installation assembled by artist Robert Gober. Bess was a figure both on the fringe and in the center simultaneously. He lived a destitute life in a ramshackle shanty built from salvaged junk while showing his paintings at one of the most prestigious New York galleries of the day. He was the embodiment of devotion to a singular and dedicated calling, his art and life dictated by a consuming vision wholly his own. He achieved his lifelong dream of becoming a “pseudo-hermaphrodite” by performing surgery on himself, at the risk of his own life. He wanted to exhibit work detailing the transformation, but his gallerist refused, allowing only the cryptic references in his moving and primitive canvases to attempt (in vain) to tell the story so vital to him, but so foreign to most. In order to present his deepest desire for expression through his work, he had to wait until another artist, Gober, with the full support and acceptance of the art establishment, used his position to give Bess a venue and vehicle. Perhaps this can be seen as Gober’s way of changing the art conversation – giving voice to those who would otherwise go unheard, which can be powerful and affecting, even if we can’t fully understand what they are saying.

It is in just this way that the show as a whole ultimately succeeds. Operating on a different register than taste, trend or appeal, it proves its relevance and validity through its unwillingness to impress.

The Unofficial View of Tirana (43)

Yesterday night I was made aware of the existence of Artur Jaku, an Albanian peasant-film maker and one time contestant in Big Brother. According to the credit lines of his manifesto Albanian Monster, “Artur Jaku is the first farmer in the world, that made Amateur Dokumentary !!!” According to another, autobiographically inclined work,

 

Artur Jaku is the most special cage man in the history of the cage [i.e. the Big Brother house]. He has done special things: 1. He started to dance; 2. He ate a kiwi with the skin; 3. He ate qofte without frying them; 4. He undressed to his underwear; 5. He showered without curtain; 6. He gave roses and chocolate.

 

On his YouTube channel, Jaku has posted a variety of materials including several amateur documentaries about life on the Albanian countryside. As far as I’m concerned, these belong to the blessed category of outsider art, evoking sentiments that previously only Samuel Beckett was able to stir up in me. Behold the absurdist masterpiece, Donkey on the Boat (2009)

 

 

And the original Albanian version, Gomari në varkë:

 

New World Summit — Notes from the Alternative Parliament


Two regular contributors to continent., Adam Staley Groves and Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei, have had the honor of attending the New World Summit, organized at the occasion of the 7th Berlin Biennial by artist Jonas Staal. The following notes concern their combined impressions. The New World Summit defines itself as follows:

 

(1)  An alternative parliament, situated in Sophiensalle in Berlin, Germany, where on the 4th and 5th of May 2012  both political and juridical representatives of organizations on international terrorist lists will lecture and debate about the limits of the current democratic systems.

(2)  An online archive documenting the histories, aims, locations, symbols, and websites of organizations currently placed on international terrorist lists. The texts are based as much as possible statements of the organizations themselves and should therefore not be interpreted as the views of the New World Summit itself.

Continue reading…

Greek elections: Democracy ground zero.

Call it what you will -it's only a contemporary version of the Greek "agora" (Photo by Myrto Stamatelou)

 

If two parties have armed themselves for strife, then a feeling of animosity must have moved them to it; as long now as they continue armed, that is, do not come to terms of peace, this feeling must exist; and it can only be brought to a standstill by either side by one single motive alone, which is, that he waits for a more favourable moment for action. Now, at first sight, it appears that this motive can never exist except on one side, because it, eo ipso, must be prejudicial to the other. If the one has an interest in acting, then the other must have an interest in waiting.”

 

Carl Von Clausewitz, On War

 

It was back in late October 2011 when the former Greek Prime Minister Giorgos Papandreou proposed a Greek referendum for approving the freshly signed haircut of the Greek debt and its inhuman terms for the Greek society (which, at that time, were not announced in detail).  Many interpreted this as a bad move on a very bad timing: you don’t call for a referendum after a deal is closed. The E.U., with its traditionally negative stance towards referendums, was outraged: voting for or against the measures, they said, should be presented as voting for or against Greece’s place within the Eurozone. But the Greek Prime Minister proposed the referendum as a better alternative to immediate elections that would have amounted to even more destabilizing results. Recall that at time, people were still in the streets militant and outraged. The internal cohesion of the pro-memorandum parties was threatened by a number of dissident MP’s that grew larger as the days went by. The anti-memorandum parties were three and all of them left-wing. And the alternative scenario called for immediate elections. It was at that precise moment that the Greek was called to approve a very important decision taken by an otherwise elected government (PASOK) –and not to elect the party that would best represent a given political solution.

 

George Papandreou was neither a hero nor a madman. He was the same person who secretly planned Greece’s appeal to the IMF with Dominique Stauss-Kahn (IMF’s former managing director) as early as 2009. And at the moment when Greek society got the chance (at least a posteriori) to exercise its democratic “right” and choose over its fate, it was the same guy who threw the memorandum bomb.  Panic almost spread. Greeks were inherently divided. Stock markets went wild. Papandreou was portrayed as a nutty bipolar Prime Minister (rumors had it that Sarkozy called him “crazy” and “depressed”) that put in danger the future of both his country and of global financial markets. In effect, his call for a memorandum was strategic given that not even a memorandum took place. Instead, the call for a coalition government was presented as the most prudent solution, a consensus that would have driven the country out of the instability resulting from indecision and could win back the lost trust of the global markets. After days of nerve-wrecking discussions, the three pro-memorandum parties elected their temporary Prime Minister, a technocrat ex-vice president of ECB, Lucas Papademos. The rest is history. Elections would be announced “when the new government would had its work completed” said the Prime Minister commented somewhere during early March (translate the “work done” into borrowing another 130 billion euro for paying back part of our already heavy debt, and in return implementing a series of extreme implementations of taxes, exhausting cuts on wages and pensions and infrastructure sellout).

 

And suddenly (somewhere around early April) elections were announced for the 6th of May.

 

During a time-span of nearly six months (from the referendum that never took place up to this Sunday’s elections) the political plateau from which the Greek voter will soon pick his party of choice got ridiculously rich for a bankrupt country. And when I say big…I mean humongous: 36 parties in total! Of them, only the two major parties (PASOK and NEA DIMOKRATIA) and a lesser one are essentially pro-memorandum. All the rest are anti. Now, from the 33 anti-memorandum parties, 13 parties are left-wing, most of them refusing to cooperate with one another, largely on the basis of who can better decipher the scriptures of Das Kapital. But, aside from ridiculous, things have started to become dangerous too: as if a typical nationalist party was not enough, the Greek national-socialists/fascists have a serious chance of gaining some seats in the parliament for the first time in Greek history (I cannot even comment on that particular turn of…”events”).

 

Under this giant circus tent, the chance of an anti-memorandum coalition government looks quite impossible. First, because the disseminated anti-memorandum parties refuse to collaborate with one another: right anti-memorandum parties won’t collaborate with the left ones; left-wing parties also refuse to collaborate with one another. Second, because Europe openly stated its preference for a coalition government between the two major pro-memorandum parties (PASOK and NEA DIMOKRATIA). PASOK agrees with a coalition (knowing that it does not stand a chance) while NEA DIMOKRATIA pretends to claim an independent government (a trick for gathering more and more votes from its electorate). The truth is that, under the European pressure, both sides will form a coalition government if they manage to achieve a strong majority together. How can this ever be possibl? Behold the final reason: the Greek election law (voted by PASOK and NEA DIMOKRATIA back in 2008) gives a McDonald’s bonus coupon of 50 seats to the party that gathers the most votes -regardless of the percentage. It also sees that white ballot papers are counted as void ballot papers that are in turn added to the overall percentage of each party. In that manner it is much easier for a winning party to raise its percentage as to that demanded for forming an independent government.

 

Given the condition of the Greek society, the pill of democracy is hard to swallow. This Sunday, Greeks will exercise their right to elect their government from a ridiculously vast plateau of more than 36 parties, but cannot possibly choose on the number of the parties that will represent their alternatives. Within such a vast plateau, the straightforwardness of a pro- or anti-memorandum vote is ridiculously diluted between 36 choices, only 2 of which are strongly pro-memorandum (and can therefore easily attract the majority of pro- memorandum votes)! The clear alternative between a pro- or anti-memorandum vote was presented only during a ghost-referendum that never took place. Instead, we got a 36-party election. One can therefore legitimately wonder whether democracy can actually reflect the preferences (if not the choices) of society –or whether it transforms the dynamics of a given society through the technocratic institutions that supposedly “represent” its “will”.

 

This is a terrain where our enlightened left has completely lost the game –both in terms of political forces and in terms of theoretical analysis. Regarding the former, I will not comment further: the image of over than 13 left-wing parties scattered about the voter’s plateau, proclaims a deep ignorance regarding the consequences of representing your ideological deviations through a voting system designed in such a way as to use polyphony as a tool for weakening the momentum of smaller parties (especially if we concede that the election of functional governments is a mere alibi). Regarding the latter, it is time for left-wing intellectuals to seriously start catching up with what’s going on out there. Democracy is not only just another ideological function of a state that promotes self-seeking and hedonistic individuals (as Badiou would have it). It is not just irreconcilably torn between a politico-juridical and an economic-bureaucratic rationality (as Agamben points out). Democracy is most of all a concrete technocratic apparatus that has reached a high level of technical sophistication, a calculating machine that views common decisions as a social welfare function, a complex mathematical aggregation of individually ranked preferences. It is exactly that (in the material, technical sense of the term) –whether we like it or not and whether we are too bored to dwell into boring technical details in order to find out (I still dream of the day that left-wing intellectuals will start reading ground-breaking works such as Sonja Amadae’s Rationalizing Capital Democracy: The Cold War Origins of Rational Choice Liberalism).

 

Any form of (left) political agency that needs to become effective in times of urgency and does not decide to use revolutionary means, has to focus on how a system of democratic voting effectively (and almost automatically) can weed out these votes that can bring about a potentially subversive result –which is now almost a priori excluded. Those responsible for excluding it (the two pro-memorandum parties) can be said to have once more gained the advantage against their real opponent -which is none other than the crippled Greek society. Above, I tried to provide an account of how they managed that by announcing a referendum that would never have taken place, only in order to stall the elections and implement the memorandum six months in advance. Insofar as they have done that through democracy and at the expense of democracy, the object of their enmity is not their political rivals, but society itself. However, insofar as parties with otherwise revolutionary rhetoric enter the democracy game without a single hint of how it is being played, they are also depriving society of the possibility of subversion through a moronic, obstinate and dangerous dissemination.

 

So, to conclude…Forget Badiou. This is the real deal.

 

 

 

The Unofficial View of Tirana (42)

In the Netherlands, the annual calendar is marked by the singular occasion of what has been named “skirt day,” the spring day on which the collective female population decides — the mode and procedure of this decision are still unknown, at least, to men –  to dress in skirts, celebrating the arrival of bearable and slightly non-rainy weather. Weather that does not destroy your shoes and splatter your calves. In Tirana I have observed a similar type of phenomenon, which I would love to baptize, analogously, “shorts day.” As if captured by the Dionysian spirit itself, all the djem, çuna (e lagjes or për shoqënisë), the weed-smoking and already bare-torso’d naçu, and all the other exotic varieties of masculine identities that I have had the pleasure to savior ever since my arrival, decide to pull out the shorts from their wardrobes (or did their mothers prepare them for them while day were taking a shower?) and parade them through the neighborhood streets. Most of them have started going to the gym one or two months ago to work away the winter fat, and the first results are proudly on display. It is a curiosity that most Albanian boys and men disregard their legs when working out. So the display underneath the shorts shows 9 out of 10 times skinny little legs, topped off by a buff chest. Sometimes it is a small miracle that they don’t topple over.

Continue reading…

Neo-Liberalism Crash Course (get your former state enterprises cheap, now! Two for one on prisons!)

Neo-liberalism has become a bit of buzz word, replacing postmodernity (although the two are crucially interlinked). So two books and a film which provide excellent in-roads into the topic.

 

First: Foulcault’s lectures on the “Birth of Biopolitics”, given in 1978-79, particularly lectures 4,5,9,10,11. He has the remarkable power of being able to condense the gist of neo-liberalism into one sentence: “more state, less government”. He equally traces the emergence of neo-liberalism as the obverse side to the Frankfurt School: a response to Nazism, which was taken to be the solution to the political-economic constellation of pre-WWII Germany.

 

Two: David Harvey’s A Brief History of Neo-Liberalism. Read alongside The Condition of Postmodernity one can trace the link between the two.

 

Three: the documentary Catastroika. It’s artfulness under the circumstances merely contributes to the terror of what it reports:

CATASTROIKA – ENGLISH SUBTITLES

Call for Participation: HOST ARCHITECTURES AND EXPRESSIVE ECOLOGIES

ceci n'est pas une pipe.

from The Department of Biological Flow

2012-2017: HOST ARCHITECTURES AND EXPRESSIVE ECOLOGIES

In a book, as in all things, there are lines of articulation or segmentarity, strata and territories; but also lines of flight, movements of deterritorialization and destratification. Comparative rates of flow on these lines produce phenomena of relative slowness and viscosity, or, on the contrary, of acceleration and rupture.[1]
– Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari

Introduction

In 1987, the University of Minnesota Press unveiled one of its most critical contributions to intellectual inquiry when it published the English-language translation of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s Mille Plateaux: Capitalisme et Schizophrenie. Brian Massumi helped introduce an entirely new audience to the rhizomatic thought of Deleuze and Guattari, and today A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia is considered by many to be among the most important works of philosophy in the twentieth century.

As the twenty-fifth anniversary of the English-language translation approaches, with it comes an opportunity for those influenced by the folds of Deleuze and Guattari’s thought to celebrate. Massumi himself points out that “A Thousand Plateaus is conceived as an open system. It does not pretend to have the final word. The authors’ hope, however, is that elements of it will stay with a certain number of its readers and will weave into the melody of their everyday lives.”[2] It is in this spirit of weaving melodies that we bring forth a proposal to celebrate through destruction and building anew: in short, we propose a performance of the archive by converting the formal structure of A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia from book to wiki mode.

We wish to translate the translation, as it were, or to enter the translation more explicitly into the flow from whence it emerged, so that the book-wiki topology may find new potentials to unfold in thought.

Proposal

The wiki format is a growing medium for scholars to use in collaborative, community-based knowledge building projects. Based on the Hawaiian word for “quick,” the wiki offers a contemporary medium that (along with blogs and other internet media) perhaps more appropriately keeps pace with new developments in scholarship. Perhaps we may thus develop the element of speed in Deleuze and Guattari’s work to create new ecologies of expression—through a proximity of thought rather than a common geography? This potential to generate knowledge across and between disciplines as a collaborative intervention philosophically suggests a suspension of judgment toward product and instead allows a demonstration of process, or a manner of laying bare the creative generation of thought that is carried forward by new thinkers.

Despite the grand title of A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari only articulated thirteen in their original tome, clearly suggesting that as the cartographies of critical inquiry continue to shift underfoot there remain plenty of intensities still to be “added” to their overall project.

A book itself is a little machine; what is the relation (also measurable) of this literary machine to a war machine, love machine, revolutionary machine, etc.—and an abstract machine that sweeps them along? We have been criticized for overquoting literary authors. But when one writes, the only question is which other machine the literary machine can be plugged into, must be plugged into in order to work.[3]

But what machines for the task? The release of the Mosaic graphical web browser and popular explosion of the internet had not yet occurred when they wrote the second volume of Capitalisme et Schizophrenie in 1980, nor when Massumi published his English translation in 1987. The wiki itself was not invented until 1994, and thus perhaps the communication machine best suited to express and experience new plateaus had not been revealed at the time, despite its ghostly presence throughout Deleuze and Guattari’s rhizomatic thought. Put differently, we require precisely this type of experiment to further reveal the potential of the wiki form to both move past the limitations of the book form and to fulfill its own capabilities as a literary machine in the service of critically engaging intensity.

We suggest “2012-2017: Host Architectures and Expressive Ecologies” as the working title of this particular plateau, a project in which the complete English-language text of A Thousand Plateaus is converted to a wiki-based application. In this latest “death of the author” incarnation, community members would then have a five-year window in which to freely edit, change, remix, translate, illustrate, update, recompose, define, hyperlink, or otherwise reconstruct the text.

Decay, excise, churn, flourish, proliferate. You can imagine where things might lead from here.

Though by no means an exhaustive list, some of the questions this project might address include: What will this movement between communication modes resemble at the end of the experiment? How will the elements of smooth and striated interplay both within the technological form itself and the content generated within? Which elements are included or not included for instantiating the editing process: images? endnotes? index? publication history? Given the contemporary nature of networked intellectual labour, what role will the development of reputational or social capital play in the redesign of the text? How is this project with its intensified temporal frame similar to and different from slower, more organic wiki projects such as Wikipedia?

Conclusion

For the proposed project to be successful, it will require a substantial reconsideration of copyright and intellectual property rights between publisher and collaborating commons. Presuming these challenges can be addressed, at the end of the five-year project window we would be left with the first living data set detailing how a book of philosophy—what we might consider the host architecture created by Deleuze, Guattari and Massumi—could be organically deconstructed and reconstructed anew. This empirical data set—that is, the revised text as well as the meta-data outlining the sequence of every change made, dates and times, backchannel discussion, etc.—would remain completely open and accessible to the academic and public communities.

This proposal offers an academic publishing opportunity of uncommon scale and novelty—a unique opening for meaningful exposure with universities, peer-reviewed journals, the popular academic press, and other publishing houses, not to mention with those artists, scholars and activists who follow traces of Deleuze and Guattari’s thought. It suggests another potential method by which the book challenges its purported “obsolescence” in the age of electronic ubiquity. And finally, it perhaps offers a new gold standard to which works of philosophy may aspire: to someday be deconstructed and reconstructed by the expressive ecologies of multitude in a fecund hothouse of remix.

That it will be the twenty-fifth anniversary of the English translation of A Thousand Plateaus offers a perfect synchronism with which to frame the experiment. The time is ripe for movement. As Massumi suggests, “one of the points of the book is that nomad thought is not confined to philosophy. Or that the kind of philosophy it is comes in many forms.”[5] With “2012-2017: Host Architectures and Expressive Ecologies“, academic publishing itself plays with machinic form to exercise the potential of nomad thought: bodies dance to bodies dancing to the rhythms and melodies of organ music, expressly.

_______________
Notes
1. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 3.2. Brian Massumi, “Translator’s Foreword: Pleasures of Philosophy,” in A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), xiv.
3. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 4.
4. Creative Commons licensing schemes may be found at: http://creativecommons.org/about/licenses.
5. Massumi, “Translator’s Foreword: Pleasures of Philosophy,” in A Thousand Plateaus, xiii.

The democratic deconstruction of Greek society.

Definitely not Loukas Papademos

Guess who popped into my mind during the Greek pre-election period: good ole Jacques Derrida.

 

The concept of deconstruction was evoked by the Greek Prime Minister Loukas Papademos, who stated during a recent interview “I am certain that we [viz. the Greeks] will invest on creativity -not on deconstruction.”. However, the upcoming elections evoke another Derridaian concept -that of dissemination, as the number of political parties that will eventually enter the Greek parliament is estimated somewhere between eight and ten!  But let us not think that this highly plausible estimation (backed by dozens of gallop polls) effectively contradicts the Greek Prime Minister’s rhetoric dismissal of “deconstruction”. Quite the contrary: our conservative, eurocrat politicians act as if they have already misread Writing and Difference.

 

As much as I hate to provide fortune cookie accounts of Derrida, I cannot resist the following analogy -even if the key concept at play is actually constitutive of the notion of analogy itself. I am talking about the concept of representation: linguistic and political. And the analogy is simply that just as in the case of the sign there is no original signified for which the signifier stands, so in the case of political representation there is no preexisting, originary popular will that is somehow represented by given political parties. Political representation is a priori and by necessity deferred in relation to the society for which it supposedly stands.

 

Two immediate consequences emerge regarding both traditional and “radical” democracy: in reference to the former, representation becomes impossible by definition since it would require an ad infinitum implementation of democratic procedures; at the same time, the demand for an “immediate” democracy becomes yet another metaphysical dream, placing the origin of the people’s rule to the mere expression of its will. For when the practical task of government poses itself by an equal necessity and power relations come into play, democratic practices can either back down in favor of action or replicate themselves ad infinitum assuming every danger that inaction entails under given circumstances. In that sense –and contrary to the Greek prime minister’s convictions- society is essentially and a priori incoherent, disseminated and dismantled in relation to the political powers that claim to “represent” it. And even if it emerges from particular historical and institutional conditions, it need not necessarily (contra Marx) follow the teleology that their a posteriori reconstruction so convincingly suggests. Representation thus points to a deferred relation between politics and society, that does not allow us to take the formation of social forces for granted (it would actually be undemocratic to think the opposite).

 

Moreover, this highly problematic aspect of representation suggests that politics is not a moment separate and removed from society. In modern democracies, the relation between politics and society is never felt so intensely than during the moment between voting and governing. We need not look at the rationalized and highly operationalized apparatus of party campaigns to convince ourselves. Machiavelli’s Prince, the tiny locus nascendi of our modern political heritage imposes the schizophrenic division of the politician into a lion and a fox that alternates roles in an incessant battle between two fronts: political rivals and the masses. We can therefore further assume that not only the representation of society by politics is of an agonist nature, but also that politics itself is immanent to the society it strives to represent. Society already includes rhetoric, ideology and power. It is comprised of a community between governed and governors, between parties and members, leaders and followers. The shaping of what is to be represented is already at play on an everyday basis in society, whether we call it ideology, propaganda or info war. Hence, if politics is immanent to society, one cannot argue that society and politics are distinct –although the ideology of modern capitalist societies consists in sustaining that factice distinction, especially through the (oh, so lame) function of the media.

 

However, it is this very immanence of politics that necessitates its transcendence. For, by virtue of not being distinct (as in constituting two different, autonomous spheres), society and politics are disjunct, non-simultaneous, deferred moments. The first one to know that (as in the case of Machiavelli) is a real, practicing politician –especially every little Goebbels out there. But once again again (as with the non-distinct character of politics and society) dominant political ideology carefully masks this very possibility. This is why the Greek prime minister can evoke the term “deconstruction” while at the moment he enunciates it he is consciously playing the representation game, identifying society with the pro-IMF supporters and evoking “us” as subjects of a responsible vote that would not endanger the coherence of “society”.

 

Of course he misses the point. Deconstruction poses exactly the question of transcending the obstinate immanence of the political, through its very outcomes. But this can only be done when democracy becomes a procedure where the disjunction of politics and society can become manifest. Democracy is not there only to play the occasional theatre of representation (and I fully agree on that with my friend and neighbor Vincent W. J. van Gerven Oei). Rather it is there because representation is an impossible task. In short, democracy is what it is because it does not work and this is why elections have to take place, no matter the social cost (and contrary to the prudent advices of the Economist which totally ignores the possibility of a non pro-IMF government, “whatever the outcome”…)

 

With his statement, the Greek Prime Minister Loukas Papademos has defied the mere function of democracy. How? By constructing a choice between a desired result and democracy itself –whatever a democratic procedure might engender at this very decisive moment.

 

(More on the travesty of the upcoming Greek elections on my follow-up post.)

The Greek trigger: a note to arms.

Benito Mussolini and Claretta Petacci hanged in Piazzale Loreto, Milan, April 29 1945.

 

“Quel sens, pour les hommes qu’il habitent, à rechercher au prix même de leur vie cette chose dont nous avons, nous autres, oublié la possibilité depuis la Renaissance et les grandes crises du christianisme: une spiritualité politique.”

(“For the people who inhabit this land, what is the point of searching, even at the cost of their own lives, for this thing whose possibility we have forgotten since the Renaissance and the great crisis of Christianity, a political spirituality.”)

Michel Foucault, Á quoi rêvent les Iraniens?


“To say that there is no absolute impossibility preventing capitalism from finding a way out of the situation that is being created today, does not mean that it is a sure thing capitalism will get out of it. […] But whether it be through a crisis or through peaceful transformation, these problems will only be resolved by shaking the present social edifice to its very foundations.”

Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution of Society

 

Yesterday(04-04-2012), first thing in the morning, a 77 year old pharmacist blew his brains out at Syntagma square (the “square of the Constitution”, right across the Greek Parliament where all the protests are notoriously held). The note found on his body reads as follows:

 

“The occupying Tsolakoglou government* has annulled even the last means of my survival, a dignified pension funded by me alone (without any support from State) for 35 years of my life.

 

Given that my age does not grant me the individual possibility of a forceful reaction (although if a fellow Greek were to grab a Kalashnikov, I would be right behind him) I see no other solution than a dignified end, before I start picking up the garbage to find something to eat.

 

I believe that our youth with no future, will one day pick up their arms and hang the traitors of this Nation upside down at Syntagma square, just like the Italians did to Mussolini in 1945 (Piazza Loreto, Milan).”

 

 *note: reference to the current Papademos government with the name of the Greek collaborationist Government after the German Occupation of 1941-1942.

 

Greece has made the news once more. But which news? Being the son of an old-school journalist, I am appalled at the level of both local and world-wide reporting. For, the media have carefully managed to disarm this man’s act from its message. The translation I provided above is the full and exact translation of his relatively short suicide note. However, the major news agencies did not report the note its entirety (let me point here that the French press, even the conservative one, once more makes the exception). The references to the Kalashnikov, the hanging of Mussolini, the youth’s call to arms –in short the major political tone of this man’s message is seriously downplayed, if not “cleansed”.

 

Of course all this does not only happen on an international level. Ever since the news of this man’s suicide broke up and despite the fact that his note has been widely circulated around the internet, the Greek media along with politicians, priests and psychiatrists have transformed this political act into a suicide of some desperate poor fellow. By focalizing on his reduced pension and the demoralizing act of “garbage picking”, they manage to shift the talk to the increasing rates of suicide and the ways we can prevent our fellow men from taking the pas au delà. This morning, some psychiatrist stated that “there is no political suicide. All suicide I know of is pathological”, whereas last night some orthodox priest declared that “anyway, the elderly have no use of large amounts of money.”

 

There is one word to describe this political, institutional and intellectual liberalist strategy: individualism, the idea stating that the whole is nothing more than the sum of its parts. According to the explanatory principle of methodological individualism (very common in modern economics and part of modern sociology) social and economic phenomena are to be explained on the mere basis of individual beliefs and desires; according to economic individualism (which has common roots with the liberal tradition), value depends on nothing other than private valuations; finally, according to liberal political individualism (which finds its apogee in public choice theory) the actions of citizens and politicians are reduced, explained and understood on the basis of a self-seeking behavior, a freedom to choose (in the economic sense of the term “a choice between alternatives”) backed with a sense of responsibility towards the State that supposedly secures this very right.

 

 Within the general framework of liberal individualism, this man’s suicide can be conceived, explained and understood solely on the basis of an individual action. Insofar as he left a note behind him which “explains” the intention behind it, he (and not the State) is deemed responsible for the action he performed (or as a famous liberal like Ludwig von Mises once said: “the hangman, not the State, executes the criminal”). Finally -insofar as his intentions evoke the State, its apparatus and its representatives, this man at best can be characterized as a partisan of a given political group, within a democratic society which has a robust system of political representation. But this man did not seem to belong to any particular party. On the contrary, the polemic and political content of his text made reference to revolutionary tactics and practices that do not belong to the individualist and representative type of “democracy” within which he lived –and died. In that manner, the part of his letter that did not fit the liberal individualist discourse was almost instinctively and with great precision erased, forgotten, placed outside the sphere of our perception and consciousness. He was a desperate man. A lonely monad caught in a debt trap (as a government politician stated in some morning news show). Like millions of Greeks. And thousands of suicides. As long as the whole is nothing but the sum of its parts. Which means as long as there is no necessity (historical, objective or subjectified) for changing the status quo other than the “natural” and individual strife for personal “well-being”.

 

Well…

 

There is no need to convince the readers of this blog that this man’s suicide was a political act. It is already obvious from his references to a political and armed struggle. However, his act was far from individualist –and this is why it is not and cannot be taken primarily as a mere suicide. Taken into account that he was substantially old and seriously ill, his age and his physical condition not permitting an effective form of resistance (as he openly claims), this man chose to transform himself into a political symbol, thus forming a real conjecture that would legitimize the undertaking of that for which he died.

 

It is tempting to think of cases of self-immolation a year ago during the political protests in Tunis and Cairo. Again, we are talking of individual acts undertaken in the name of a general idea which is both presented as a necessity overcoming the individual and as an alternative impossible to represent constitutionally in terms of the given status quo. But there is also a great difference (residing mostly in us not in some ‘property’ of the other’s acts).

 

It is true that in the West (and even in Greece, which is much closer to the East –if not historically a part of it) political suicides are not a common form of protest. After the foundation of our modern state in 1828, modern Greece suddenly and all too belatedly entered the European fate of Enlightenment. Protests and revolutionary acts usually assumed the form of a battle built upon rationalized plans and strategies –even if these fights were irregular as in the Schmittian case of the ‘partisan’. However, insofar as suicide remains a personal and individual act, one is tempted to speak (as in the case of Foucault) about the (re-)emergence of a given political spirituality that can become dangerously absolute and unconditional insofar as it remains attached to a messianic ideal. To recall Carl Schmitt:

 

 “Annihilation thus becomes entirely abstract and entirely absolute. It is no longer directed against an enemy, but serves only another, ostensibly objective attainment of highest values, for which no price is too high to pay.” (Carl Schmitt, The Theory of the Partisan)

 

Our recent Western memory identifies this spirituality with terror. And since it does not recognize the fact that individuals can be more than constituent members/monads, it trembles at the thought of them believing that they are something more -especially when they are gathered together. Hence the fear of mentioning the erased passages. Hence our fear of politics. Hence our ridiculous (if not strategic) identification of terror with the possible but not-yet-unrepresented. Usually with terror as its outcome.

 

The suicide of the 77 year old was a spiritually political act. His act and his note were both call to action and politics, for the shaking of the Greek social and political status quo. And insofar as this status quo is directly and explicitly imposed by European technocrats (who are represented by a Greek government that was not elected), it is also an appeal for the shaking of the bureaucratic foundations that keep European (and Western) societies along with their thought hostage for at least 25 years. It is a call against a State that defies democracy and forces people to literally starve to death in the name of a stability based on the private interests of the few. This man’s spirituality is not the one of an irrationalist terrorist blinded by an absolute enmity. Enmity becomes absolute (and demonized) when the politically spiritual aspect of this act remains hidden, erased, undiscussed.

 

It must therefore be noted that political spirituality is not and cannot be a category over and above the historical conditions that shape and transform it. Western political spirituality belongs to its own historical fate and sphere (including antiquity, christianity, the Enlightenment). As such, it cannot fit within the explanatory schema of a radical, “irrational” otherness (which in no case is a trait of Eastern traditions, but an imaginary product of the West). Within this particular historical, cultural, economic and social state of affairs, spirituality appears as a negative relation to truth (and not as a positive relation to some “ideology”):

 

“spirituality posits that truth is never given to the subject by operation of law […] it is not given to the subject as an act of knowledge that is in turn founded upon and legitimized by the fact that one is a subject and that the subject has such and such a structure.” (Foucault, L’Herméneutique du Sujet)

 

There are many cases when this negative relation to truth can only be specified through action. Especially when ignorance (viz. the question of how to exit the crisis) is used as a means of economic extorsion and measures that essentially bring people at the brink of extinction. This knowledge might not be clearly represented by any given political project at the moment –let alone as an objective possibility (and here I distance myself from part of my argument in my three Pasolinian posts). But when this happens, the choice is not only an individualist choice between clearly represented alternatives. People historically cannot be identified with voters and political movements with parties. In the same manner that people who shoot themselves in the head in the middle of the city’s central square cannot be identified with suicides -in lack of some pre-existing definition.

 

From its political perspective, the message of this act cannot but be and wish to be hopeful: uncertainty cannot possibly be the mother of a terror born by a desire for control that inflicts our lives with servility and fear.

 

The suicide note that the 77 year old left behind. .

 

Institutionalized art and errant social theory.

Alexander Kosolapov, “The Hero, the Leader, the God”

“Faites comme moi mais ne m’imitez pas.”

(“Do as I do. But don’t imitate me”)

Jacques Lacan

 

 

I will have to excuse myself for posting this entry, knowing that it may offend some of its readers. However some attempts to open up a discussion often entail a level of necessary injustice, if not violence

 

Let us ask ourselves where left or leftist social theory (Marx, Marxism, Frankfurt School, French structuralism, autonomism, Deleuze, Guattari, Zizek, Badiou) and part of “continental” political theory-philosophy (from Hegel to Arendt and Foucault) is increasingly being taught today. If one were to identify its locus, where would that be? Although I lack any official numbers to support my case, I cannot but notice the rising of art theory postgraduate departments where the above literature is being extensively taught during the past 10 years. At the same time, I can also witness the gradual disappearance of the above names in sociology postgraduate departments (not to mention the poor chances for external funding that they suggest…) How important is this institutional shift?

 

I would be the first one to admit that political philosophy challenges the function of art. It transforms its ends and reconsiders its means. However, the social production of artists, curators and critics through postgraduate programs (rather than through personal or collective initiatives) suggests a certain degree of normalization which manifests itself through various (formal and informal) institutional practices. Applying for funding is one case: somehow the extensive quoting of philosophical literature has become a matter of great importance for the financing of a given project. Producing a text as an artist is another: artists are either held a priori accountable for their works or transfer their theoretical legitimization to the curator. Writing for art is no exception: a specialization is being produced under the aegis of both university departments and art journals/magazines.

 

You might be expecting the typical leftist critique: how all this ends up being nothing more a business serving the capital blah, blah, blah… And I would not deny endorsing it –especially insofar as the effects produced systematically by this phenomenon uncritically run counter either to the ends pursued or to the content of the works evoked. In many cases, the artworld is an exceptional locus for practicing public choice in its most hypocritical versions (e.g. artists seeking their promotion while evoking “the commons.”) But this is only a minor issue. For if the capital was “served” in a manner that would leave art detached from a semi-bureaucratic savoir-faire that castrates the mere irrationality of its social function (in the words of Frank Zappa, if the musician had only to deal with the ignorant cigar chumping entrepreneur and not with the ex-hippy manager), things would not look so discouraging. However, it seems that the sine qua non lobbying and socializing is not enough for internalizing the social challenges that the function of art can possibly produce. Artists today have to already assume the place of the intellectual that would have written something about them had they managed to produce something significant. But let us not assume that they carry an institutional cop in their head. For they learn to legitimize themselves in the same manner a borrower thinks of himself worthy of the loan he is recieving: because they a priori deserve it, because what they do is a priori important. Look at art school graduates: most of them think they are entitled to an exhibition simply because they managed to pull out a thesis and graduate.

 

Today’s artist does not differ essentially from the academic: both of them are semi-professionals, their work being replaced by the looks of their cv. Rather than standing with one foot inside and the other outside the society that breeds him/her, the artist accepts to have his function completely internalized by the institutional framework that produces his social identity. You don’t need to become an artist when you already are one! Once again notice how this relates to credit and the phenomenon of financial bubbles: you don’t need to work for that car, you can already have it, as long as people believe that you fit the profile of those who own similar stuff.  Of course not all of this has to do with artists and curators reading Rancière, Badiou and Deleuze. And of course I have met many sincere exceptions. But sincerity does not signify the end of a practice –it rather sadly affirms its predominance.

 

There is one additional and important consequence, this time regarding philosophy and social theory: the total disconnection of political theory from social sciences that have a crucial impact in society, such as economics. Without assigning to Marx the economic determinism that some schools of thought still ascribe to him, one should not forget that he mastered the economic theory and part of the economic history of his time. The same thing applies for given Marxist or leftist scholars up until the 70’s (cf. Castoriadis). During that time that economics became a highly axiomatized science that few social theorists could follow. However, as a philosophy of economics postgraduate, I can assure you that it is not impossible for people involved in philosophy and political theory to get a good grasp at least of what economics does and how it does it. For how are we to think of a novel social-political theory that is not based on vintage concepts (such as the Marxian labour theory of value) and techniques of analysis, unless we are ready and willing to seriously revise them? I wonder how this is possible when a large part of the audience for Marxian-leftist theory is comprised of artists.

 

To my eyes, a neat division of labour has been established: on the one hand leftist ideas have been handed out to an audience that cannot seriously assess neither their philosophical nor their theoretical claims (again, there are quite a few sincere artists willing enough to admit it); on the other hand, the dominant economic tradition which is highly responsible for what the left (in general) has been accusing it for, is continuing its theoretical and institutional work undisturbed. The few voices within economics and social theory that differ (and not taught in economic departments) are marginalized by this silent complicity between academic technocrats and artists.

 

I have personally witnessed the utter (and justified) indifference of conservative economists towards hipsters who talk about the “release of revolutionary desire through art”. I have seen leftist professors rejecting projects simply because they judged that studying the history of recent economic thought amounts to rejecting their holy Marxist categories. However I recall a time when economists still read Adorno and Horkheimer and when philosophers were going through the economic news with a fair amount of ease. Today most social theorists are ignorant about the knowledge that practically governs them. Needless to say, economists don’t read Horkheimer anymore.

 

A privilege recently reserved for performance artists.

 
“Artists, Gallerists, Bankers GO FUCK YOURSELVES” poster ofhe Greek “Anti-career” movement.